Pulse Asia Research, Inc. is pleased to share with you some findings on the Performance and Trust Ratings of the Top Five Philippine Government Officials from the March 2017 Ulat ng Bayan national survey. We request you to assist us in informing the public by disseminating this information.
The survey fieldwork was conducted from March 15 – 20, 2017 using face-to-face interviews.
The following developments preoccupied Filipinos in the weeks leading up to the survey period as well as during the actual conduct of field interviews:
(1) The filing of an impeachment complaint against President Rodrigo R. Duterte on 16 March 2017 by Magdalo Party List Representative Gary Alejano based on charges of betrayal of public trust, culpable violation of the Philippine Constitution, bribery, corruption, and the commission of other high crimes; thereafter, an impeachment complaint against Vice-President Maria Leonor G. Robredo was filed on 20 March 2017 by Atty. Oliver Lozano on the grounds that she also violated the Constitution and betrayed public trust;
(2) The claims made by retired SPO3 Arturo Lascañas before the Senate regarding the killings he took part in as a member of the so-called Davao Death Squad (DDS) and which were supposedly ordered by then Davao City Mayor Duterte;
(3) The Senate investigation into the abduction and murder of South Korean businessman Jee Ick-Joo inside Camp Crame in October 2016, the surrender of alleged mastermind SPO3 Ricky Sta. Isabel following the issuance of an arrest warrant against him in January 2017, and his issuance of an affidavit implicating Superintendent Rafael Dumlao of the Philippine National Police (PNP) Anti-Illegal Drugs Group and Senior Superintendent Allan Macapagal of the PNP Anti-Kidnapping Group in the crime;
(4) The suspension of “Oplan Tokhang” on 30 January 2017 in the aftermath of the Jee Ick-Joo case and its relaunching on 06 March 2017 under the name “Oplan Double Barrel, Reloaded”;
(5) The issuance by Amnesty International (AI), the Human Rights Watch (HRW), and the United States (US) of separate reports highly critical of the administration’s “war on illegal drugs”; the reports claim, among others, that President Duterte and the police should be held criminally liable for the killings resulting from the anti-illegal drugs campaign and that there is an increasing level of public concern over the culture of impunity within the country’s police institution;
(6) The video message of Vice-President Maria Leonor G. Robredo shown during the annual meeting of the United Nations (UN) Commission on Narcotic Drugs in Vienna held on 16 March 2017 wherein she highlighted the issue of extrajudicial killings arising from President Duterte’s campaign against anti-illegal and denounced the so-called “palit-ulo” scheme by the police;
(7) Another Senate investigation, this time into the supposed P 50 million bribery attempt involving officials of the Bureau of Immigration (BI) and a Hong Kong-based gambling tycoon who was able to evade arrest on charges of bribery and economic sabotage; the President’s issuance of an executive order (EO) mandating the PNP and the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) to embark on an anti-illegal gambling campaign targeting gambling syndicates and unlicensed gambling operators;
(8) The resumption of the peace talks between the Philippine government and communist rebels as well as the reinstatement of their unilateral ceasefire declarations following meetings in The Netherlands held on 10-11 March 2017;
(9) The threat made by the President that he will declare martial law in Mindanao if violence continues in the area as he pleaded with local government officials for them to exercise their supervisory functions over the police to ensure peace and order in their respective areas;
(10) The approval, on third reading, by the House of Representatives of the proposal to reimpose the death penalty for heinous drug-related crimes via a vote of 217-54, with a single abstention; in the aftermath of the vote, several House members belonging to the super majority coalition who rejected the bill were stripped of their posts in the Lower House;
(11) The arrest of Senator Leila M. de Lima, on 24 February 2017, on charges that she operated a drug-trafficking ring while serving as the Department of Justice (DOJ) Secretary under the Aquino administration; following her arrest, several senators who, like Senator de Lima, are either members of or allied with the Liberal Party (LP) were removed from their Senate posts by their colleagues supportive of President Duterte; oral arguments were heard by the Supreme Court (SC) beginning 15 March 2017 on Senator de Lima’s petition to stop her indictment on charges of drug trafficking;
(12) The ruling of the SC, sitting as the Presidential Electoral Tribunal (PET), that the electoral protest filed by former Senator Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. contesting the results of the May 2016 vice-presidential race is sufficient in form and substance and, as such, it will proceed to conduct hearings on the matter; the camp of Vice-President Maria Leonor G. Robredo filed a motion for reconsideration on 27 February 2017;
(13) The release of a series of online articles called #NagaLeaks purportedly containing information against Vice-President Robredo, her deceased husband, and the LP of which she is a member;
(14) The manifestation submitted by the Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) to the 13th Division of the Court of Appeals (CA) questioning the decision of the Makati Regional Trial Court (RTC) declaring Ms. Janet Lim-Napoles guilty of illegally detaining Mr. Benhur Luy, the whistleblower in the pork barrel scam case against the former;
(15) The decision of the Office of the Ombudsman to clear former President Benigno S. Aquino III and to charge former Department of Budget and Management (DBM) Secretary Florencio Abad with usurpation of legislative power in connection with the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) case;
(16) The magnitude 6.7 earthquake which struck the province of Surigao del Norte on 10 February 2017, claiming the lives of eight (8) individuals and resulting in hundreds of injuries as well as in the destruction of properties and infrastructure estimated to reach P 665 million;
(17) The confirmation of the appointments of Department of Education (DepEd) Secretary Leonor Briones and DOJ Secretary Vitaliano Aguirre III; the rejection of the appointment of Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) Secretary Perfecto Yasay, Jr. over questions concerning his citizenship; the bypassing of Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) Secretary Rafael Mariano, Department of Health (DOH) Secretary Paulyn Jean Ubial, Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) Secretary Judy Taguiwalo, and Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) Secretary Gina Lopez; the removal of National Irrigation Administration (NIA) Chief Peter Laviña amidst charges of corruption; and the appointment of Sandiganbayan Associate Justice Samuel Martires as President Duterte’s first appointee to the SC;
(18) The orders issued by DENR Secretary Lopez to suspend five (5) mining firms, close 23 mining operations, and cancel 75 mining contracts as part of the DENR’s campaign against “indiscriminate mining”; the campaign against the confirmation of DENR Secretary Lopez’s appointment by mining companies and other sectors adversely affected by her policy decisions;
(19) The forcible takeover by around 5,000 informal settlers from Metro Manila and Bulacan of government houses located in Pandi and San Jose del Monte City, both in Bulacan, allocated for members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the PNP and urban poor beneficiaries who have applied for housing with the National Housing Authority (NHA);
(20) The commemoration of the 31st anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution on 25 February 2017 , with the government holding “simple rites” in Camp Aguinaldo while opposition groups trooped to the People Power Monument along EDSA to protest the burial of former President Ferdinand E. Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB) and the continued extrajudicial killings in the country;
(21) The controversy surrounding the presence of Chinese vessels in the vicinity of Benham Rise which, according to Department of National Defense (DND) Secretary Delfin Lorenzana, appeared to be conducting surveying missions in the area; however, President Duterte himself said he allowed Chinese surveillance ships to go to the area, a decision which the DND and Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) apparently had no knowledge of; both the Senate and the House of Representatives are looking to investigate the alleged agreement between President Duterte and the Chinese government allowing its military vessels to enter the area, an act by the President referred to by his critics as tantamount to treason;
(22) Calls for President Duterte to file “a strong protest” against plans by China to build structures on Panatag Shoal which is part of the Philippine national territory; this came after the President said the Philippines is in no position to prevent China from building a radar station in the area;
(23) The observance of Ash Wednesday on 01 March 2017, with Manila Archbishop Luis Antonio Cardinal Tagle calling on the Catholic faithful to have a “change of heart”; on 19 February 2017, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) launched its “Walk for Life” initiative which encourages Filipinos to reject drug-related killings and the return of the death penalty through “active non-violence”; and
(24) In economic and financial matters, the increase in headline inflation to 3.3% in February 2017 from 2.7% the previous month – the fastest rise in prices in 27 months as stated by the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA); the continued depreciation of the local currency vis-à-vis the US dollar; the increase in the minimum fare for jeepneys and the base rate for taxis as well as in the power rates in Metro Manila; and the release of the additional pension for pensioners of the Social Security System (SSS) amounting to P 1,000 monthly.
As in our previous Ulat ng Bayan surveys, this nationwide survey is based on a sample of 1,200 representative adults 18 years old and above. It has a ± 3% error margin at the 95% confidence level. Subnational estimates for each of the geographic areas covered in the survey (i.e., Metro Manila, the rest of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao) have a ± 6% error margin, also at 95% confidence level. Those interested in further technical details may refer to our website (www.pulseasia.ph)
Pulse Asia Research’s pool of academic fellows takes full responsibility for the design and conduct of the survey, as well as for analyses it makes based on the survey data. In keeping with our academic nature, no religious, political, economic, or partisan group influenced any of these processes. Pulse Asia Research undertakes Ulat ng Bayan surveys on its own without any party singularly commissioning the research effort.
For any clarification or questions, kindly contact Dr. Ana Maria Tabunda, Research Director of Pulse Asia Research at 09189436816 or Ronald D. Holmes, Pulse Asia Research President at 09189335497 or via email (email@example.com).
Three (3) of the leading officials of the national government score majority approval and trust ratings in March 2017; public opinion about these officials’ work and trustworthiness remains virtually constant between December 2016 and March 2017
Most Filipinos approve of the work done by President Rodrigo R. Duterte (78%), Vice-President Maria Leonor G. Robredo (58%), and Senate President Aquilino L. Pimentel III (55%) in the previous quarter. On the other hand, nearly the same approval and indecision figures are obtained by House Speaker Pantaleon D. Alvarez (40% versus 41%) and Supreme Court Chief Justice Maria Lourdes A. Sereno (42% versus 41%). These officials’ disapproval ratings range from 7% for President Duterte to 16% for Vice-President Robredo while levels of ambivalence toward their work vary from 15% for President Duterte to 41% for House Speaker Alvarez and Supreme Court Chief Justice Sereno. (Please refer to Table 1.)
Between December 2016 and March 2017, the performance ratings of these top Philippine government officials remain basically the same. All movements in their ratings, including the decline in the approval scores of President Duterte (-5 percentage points), Vice-President Robredo (-4 percentage points), and Supreme Court Chief Justice Sereno (-5 percentage points), are considered insignificant as they are well within the survey’s overall error margin (+/- 3 percentage points). (Please refer to Table 2.)
In March 2017, only President Duterte succeeds in scoring majority approval figures in all geographic areas and socio-economic groupings (71% to 88% and 77% to 86%, respectively). For her part, Vice-President Robredo registers majority approval ratings in most geographic areas and socio-economic classes (58% to 61% and 57% to 66%, respectively), with the exceptions being Metro Manila and Class ABC where she posts a near majority approval score (46%). Senate President Pimentel’s performance is appreciated by most Filipinos in Metro Manila, the rest of Luzon, Mindanao, and in every socio-economic class (54% to 61% and 54% to 58%, respectively). It is only in the Visayas where the latter fails to obtain a majority approval rating (48%). (Please refer to Table 3.)
In the case of House Speaker Alvarez, his only majority approval rating is given by Mindanaoans (56%). Approval is the plurality sentiment toward his work among those in Class E (49%) while nearly half of those in the Visayas are ambivalent on the matter (48%). The House Speaker records practically the same approval and indecision figures in Metro Manila, the rest of Luzon, and Classes ABC and D (33% to 43% and 37% to 44%, respectively). Meanwhile, Supreme Court Chief Justice Sereno has a near majority approval rating in Mindanao (48%) but records almost the same approval and indecision figures in the other geographic areas and in all socio-economic groupings (35% to 47% versus 35% to 50%).
As regards these officials’ trustworthiness, essentially the same pattern may be noted, with President Duterte (76%), Vice-President Robredo (56%), and Senate President Pimentel (51%) being trusted by most Filipinos. A big plurality of Filipinos (44%) cannot say if they trust or distrust House Speaker Alvarez. Basically the same trust and indecision ratings are obtained by Supreme Court Chief Justice Sereno (40% versus 43%). On the other hand, the highest distrust rating, numerically speaking, is recorded by Vice-President Robredo (16%) while the lowest is registered by President Duterte (5%). Ambivalence concerning these officials’ trustworthiness is most pronounced toward House Speaker Alvarez (44%) and least marked toward President Duterte (18%). (Please refer to Table 4.)
Public sentiments concerning the trustworthiness of these officials are virtually unchanged between December 2016 and March 2017. At the national level, the only significant movement at this time is experienced by President Duterte as his trust rating drops by 7 percentage points. Across geographic areas and socio-economic classes, Vice-President Robredo’s indecision rating goes down in Class ABC (-24 percentage points) but distrust for her increases in the same socio-economic grouping (+21 percentage points). Meanwhile, Supreme Court Chief Justice Sereno registers a drop in her distrust rating in the Visayas (-16 percentage points). (Please refer to Table 5.)
Trust is the predominant sentiment toward President Duterte in each geographic area and socio-economic class (67% to 90% and 74% to 84%, respectively). Meanwhile, Vice-President Robredo enjoys majority trust ratings in practically all geographic areas and socio-economic groupings (57% to 59% and 54% to 67%, respectively). Again, the exceptions are Metro Manila and Class ABC where the Vice-President posts plurality trust scores (44% and 49%, respectively). Majority trust ratings are obtained by Senate President Pimentel in Metro Manila (55%), Mindanao (59%), and Classes ABC and E (52% and 54%, respectively). Half of those in Class D (50%) also trust the latter. In the rest of Luzon and the Visayas, the Senate President receives almost the same trust and indecision figures (43% to 48% and 40% to 48%, respectively). (Please refer to Table 6.)
In the case of House Speaker Alvarez, trust is the majority sentiment toward him in Mindanao (52%) while most Visayans cannot say if they trust or distrust him (55%). Indecision is the plurality sentiment in Class D (45%). Almost the same trust and indecision figures are registered by the House Speaker in Metro Manila, the rest of Luzon, and Classes ABC and E (32% to 45% and 37% to 46%, respectively). As for Supreme Court Chief Justice Sereno, a near majority of those in Mindanao (48%) trust her. In the other geographic areas and socio-economic classes, the Supreme Court Chief Justice posts virtually the same trust and indecision figures (34% to 47% versus 40% to 46%).
While the Supreme Court and the Senate obtain majority approval and trust ratings in March 2017, slightly fewer Filipinos approve of and trust the House of Representatives; the overall performance and trust ratings of these key government institutions are essentially unchanged between December 2016 and March 2017
The Supreme Court and the Senate register majority approval ratings (57% and 55%, respectively) while half of Filipinos (50%) express approval for the work of the House of Representatives. Essentially the same indecision and disapproval ratings (32% to 37% and 10% to 11%, respectively) are obtained by these key government institutions. These figures do not differ significantly from those recorded by these entities in December 2016. There are also no marked changes in these institutions’ performance ratings across geographic areas and socio-economic classes. (Please refer to Tables 7 to 8.)
Approval is the majority sentiment toward the Supreme Court in every geographic area and socio-economic class (52% to 64% and 53% to 61%, respectively). The Senate registers majority approval ratings in most geographic areas and socio-economic groupings (53% to 65% and 54% to 62%, respectively). The exceptions are Metro Manila and Classes ABC where the Upper House records almost the same approval and indecision figures (49% versus 38% and 48% versus 33%, respectively). Meanwhile, the Lower House enjoys majority approval scores in Mindanao (62%) and Classes D and E (51% and 52%, respectively) but receives almost the same approval and indecision ratings from Metro Manilans (45% versus 41%), those in the rest of Luzon (49% versus 38%), Visayans (43% versus 40%), and those in Class ABC (46% versus 34%). (Please refer to Table 7.)
Similarly, both the Supreme Court and the Senate enjoy a small majority trust rating in this survey (54%) while the House of Representatives is trusted by less than half of Filipinos (49%). Single-digit distrust ratings are obtained by the Congress and the Supreme Court (8% to 9%) while around four (4) in 10 Filipinos cannot say if they trust or distrust these key government institutions (36% to 41%). The only significant movements in these entities’ trust ratings between December 2016 and March 2017, whether at the national level or across geographic areas and socio-economic classes, is the 15-percentage point drop in the trust rating of the Senate in the Visayas. (Please refer to Table 9 to 10.)
Most Metro Manilans (51%), those in the rest of Luzon (55%), Mindanaoans (62%), and those in Classes D and (53% and 63%, respectively) express trust in the Senate. The latter has almost the same trust and indecision ratings in the Visayas (45% versus 46%) and in Class ABC (43% versus 46%). The only majority trust ratings of the House of Representatives are granted by Mindanaoans (58%) and those in Class E (53%). Indecision is the predominant sentiment toward the Lower House in Class ABC (57%) while nearly the same percentages of Metro Manilans (43% versus 46%), those in the rest of Luzon (50% versus 39%), and Visayans (40% versus 50%) either trust the legislative body or are ambivalent on the matter. As for the Supreme Court, it enjoys majority trust scores in Metro Manila (51%), the Visayas (55%), Mindanao (62%), and Classes D and E (52% and 60%, respectively). In the rest of Luzon and Class ABC, the Supreme Court has practically the same trust and indecision figures (49% versus 39% and 49% versus 41%, respectively). (Please refer to Table 9.)